The following translated from Willer, "Het Eilandt Boeroe," by Elizabeth Wittermans:

Vervolg Buru

                          THIRD SECTION
                    The Institutions (Lukodi)

                      I. The Social System
1. The Society.
In the northern peninsula of Halmahera, the Halfuru society
consists of :dapolo's, aristocrats; ngadu's, commoners;
gilango's, slaves, miati magogoko's, debtslaves. This society is
divided into tofa's or separate lineages. This refers to family
relationships in relation to marriage, because nobody is allowed
to marry within his own tofa. This institution has something in
common with the division into marga's and suku's on Sumatra, and
into fenna's on Buru, but it is not quite the same. In those
areas, each lineage has its own name, and is counted both up and
down for as long as there are lineage members, which therefore
constitutes a permanent obstacle for marriage between people who
trace their genealogy to the same ancestor. On Halmahera, the
lineage does not have a specific name, and it is no longer
counted after the 4th generation. Therefore it is possible for a
great-great grandson to marry the great-great granddaughter of
the common great-great grandfather.
Aristocrats and commoners can be joined in marriage, but no free
citizens and serfs, unless the latter will gain his or her
freedom through this marriage. The children belong to the tofa
and the rank of their fathers.
Nobody is allowed to leave his community. Those who leave with
the obvious intention not to return is punishable; those who have
to leave in order to attend to some business, have to ask
permission for a certain period from those in power.
Only the aristocracy is eligible to be appointed to the
government, but they enjoy no other privileges.
     There is no description of the system of law. It is based in
the first place on the fognaku, the unchangeable institutions,
established in olden times by a celestial messenger by the name
of Gosuong, and secondly on the will of the Sultan, if
communsurate with the institutions and duly promulgated by the
powers appointed.
     Taxes in terms of money can not be raised, for whatever
reason, by whatever name, or in whatever way. Nor can there be
taxation payable in slaves.
                     The Village Community.
The gamu (village) consists of a number of households governed by
a village council. Some communities constitute a real village,
because their houses stand together, in others, the houses are
spread out in all directions. The former are found close to the
beaches, the latter are usually located more in the interior. The
smallest communities consist of 15 to 20 households, the large
ones of 50 to 60 and even more households. Those households are
on the whole rather large, because bachelors cannot live on their
own. Each household contains only one family. Muslim natives or
foreigners can not be included in the Halfuru gamu. They are
living in separate communities.
     The village community consists of: (1) a village head, whose
function has various names, the most familiar being that of
ngofamanira; (2) a second village head, at Sau called ngato,
differently in other places;(3) a kapitan, for which function
there does not seem to be a Halfuru word, so that the function is
presumably of foreign origin. These three functionaries, assisted
by some mahimo's, or elders from each tofa, form a foiki-fo
bitjara or village council, which meets in a specially assigned
building, named orom. The Muslim communities, like the Halfuru
ones, have similar councils.
     The village council makes preliminary decisions in matters
of small-scale conflicts. It organizes the collective fishing
activity (sero sero), the catching of turtles, sometimes also the
sago production, the collection of damar (resin), and all
activities ordered by higher authorities. Every member of the
council is free to speak his mind. I don't have sufficient
evidence to know whether decisions are made by majority rule or
also on the basis of the ngofamanira's opinion. There seem to
differences between villagers, and the personal qualities of the
ngofamanira play an important role.
     The execution of the decisions made is left to the
ngofamanira, and under his command, to the ngatu. The kapitan
becomes active only in the event of war.
     The functions of the village officials are hereditary within
the families, but the persons are elected, taking into account
however, that the son of a deceased official cannot be passed
over without valid reasons, which are weighed and decided upon by
the collective Heads and Elders of the Tofa's, who then have to
make a choice. The authority in Ternate has no say in these
elections. A person may refuse to either accept or continue a
function.
        About the combination of villages into districts
The djiko consists of a number of villages under the same
district administration. There are djiko's of 6 to 10 and more
Halfuru villages, apart from the Muslims. Each djiko is governed
by a native headman under the supervision of a Ternatan governor.
Their titles differ, usually the title of the former is sengadji,
and of the latter: utusan.*

* It has to be understood that the Ternatan governor carries the
title of utusan only among his subjects on Halmahera, whereas the
Ternatan court continues to call him by the title he used to
carry in Ternate, such as bobatto, djurutulis, luitenant, or
whatever he used to be. The Ternatan court grants the title of
utusan only to the governor on Xulla, on Bangay, on Tambuku, and
to the admiral of the fleet in the waters around Menado.

The utusan is appointed and recalled by the Sultan. He guards the
interests of his master, and sees to it that his orders are
properly carried out. He lives on the coast; the traders,
foreigners, and sometimes also some Muslim natives live in a
little settlement around him. Several Ternatans have been
appointed to assist him, such as:
1. one or more secretaries, either to be sent out, or serve
temporarily in remote areas, or else to work as his secretaries
in the capital;
2. a seredjeti or police chief, who at the same time is jail
keeper;
3. a kolano, or police officer;
4. two to seven baru-baru's or armed men.
     Neither the utusan, nor his subordinates receive any
monetary rewards from the Ternatan court.
     The sengadjie is also appointed by the Sultan. For that
appointment however, it is necessary to take into account the
wishes of the village councils, and no foreigners are eligible,
nor any natives whose ancestors have never filled that position.
     The soasio or domain of the sengadjie usually lies in the
interior, but not very far from that of the utusan, and it is
where most of the Muslim natives live. Within that Muslim village
stands the messigit.
     The sengadjie is assisted by:
1. the gugugu as his first assistant, and, in case that official
is unable to function, his substitute;
2. two ilhukom's or helpers, subordinate tot he gugugu;
3 an inam (sic), a chatib.and a modin, to serve the mosque, and
carry out other Islamic functions.
     The sengadjie is responsible for the correct execution of
orders he receives from the Ternatan official in the name of the
Sultan.
     At the utusan's house, there is, twice or three times a
month, a meeting of the saje  kamatahu woka, or district council.
The utusan, djurutulis, and seredjeti have dominant positions
here, as shown by the fact that they are seated on chairs,
whereas the sengadjie and his ngofamanira's are sitting on a
bench, while the lesser officials have to sit on the floor. In
this council, deliberations are held, insofar as necessary, about
the ways in which the Sultan's orders have to be carried out, as
well as about other activities and matters relating to the whole
djiko. Furthermore, decisions are made about legal cases
considered to be beyond the competency of the village council, or
which have been appealed.

                  4. Concerning Real Property.

     Every djiko has certain boundaries; similarly, every village
community has its boundaries within the djiko. Land is
distinguished into the following categories:
1. ofo ngana, outlying, raw land, or land impossible to
cultivate. Each member has a right to the products of the jungle;
2. oba ngana, less remote, raw land, which might eventually be
cultivated. These pieces of land belong to the village community;
3. gogojowa, cultivated land;
4. gamu, land on which the village is built. Since the peninsula
does not contain wild sago stands, and the sago gardens have
separate names, other categories should be added:
5. madjiko malalata, or sago gardens belonging to the whole
district. Only Kau has at present still such a garden;
6. soa masamuda, or sago gardens belonging to the whole village
community. Each member of the community has the right to harvest
sago at these gardens whenever and how much he desires, provided
that the ngofamanira has been informed. Collective exploitation,
as is done on Ceram, only happens when the price of the sago on
Ternate starts to rise considerably, and in that case it is done
under the guidance of the village heads;
7. ngorie lalata, or private sago gardens.
     One djiko may lease a piese of land to another djiko for the
cultivation of annual field produce, in exchange for a share of
the harvest, but it amounts to so little that it should be seen
rather as a token of honor than as the leasing of land. One
village community may give a plot in loan to another community
within the same djiko for cultivation without asking for a share
in the harvest.
     It is not allowed for one djiko to loan or lease land for
the planting of sago. One village community can loan a piece of
land to another village within the same djiko to plant sago;
after the first harvest, the young and unharvested trees will,
along the land, revert back to the former village.
     Village communities belong to different djiko's cannot loan
land to each other.
     Neither djiko's nor villages, nor persons can sell land, nor
in any other way dispose of land forever. Personal real estate
property does not exist. Personal property consists of owning the
products of the land, and it is acquired by first occupation
within the legal boundaries of the political unit to which one
belongs. This first occupation however has to become evident by
actual clearing of the land. There are hardly any examples of
conflicts concerning this matter, and only in such a case will
the decision about the property rights be left to the
ngofamanira.
     The personal property of cultivated land cannot be sold, but
can be inherited, which however rarely occurs, because the
planters select new land almost every year. The personal property
of sago gardens is transferred by inheritance, and can be sold.

                 5. Concerning the Legal System.

 A. Structural Aspects.
     The village council hears civil suits involving amounts not
exceeding 5 reales, and of criminal suits not punishable with
more than 12 beatings with a rattan stick, or with fines of one
half to 5 reales.
     The district council hears, in the first instance:
1. all lawsuits involving one or more persons of the aristocracy;
2. all lawsuits between or against citizens concerning matters
exceeding the limits mentioned above, and- since no Halfuru can
be prosecuted by an Islamic court, nor any Muslim by a Halfuru
court- also
3. all lawsuits between citizens who do not adhere to a common
religion.
     Crimes which are punishable with more than 24 beatings or a
fine of more than 30 reales are beyond the competency of the
district council, and are referred immediately to the Council of
Eighteen at Ternate, which makes decisions with the approval of
the Sultan. In cases of a death penalty, the approval of the
European administration is also required.
     The decisions of the village council can be appealed to the
district council. The decisions of the district council can be
appealed to the Council of Eighteen (bobatto nga djadi moi singa
tofkane). The appeals from the village council amount to about
one third, and those from the district council to about one half
of the total.
     For civil conflicts, a case is entered by simply lodging a
complaint with the ngofamanira, or the sengadjie, who then has to
call up the parties, witnesses, etc.
     Responsible for the investigation of crimes are the
ngofamanira's and sengadjie's, and also all the functionaries
under them, in so far as such investigation is related to the
character of the respective functions or orders received.
     Little can be said about the way the legal process is
carried out. There is no preliminary investigation, nor a public
prosecutor, neither a public defender. All those who are somehow
related to the case, including witnesses and the two parties,
make their appearance together, and none of them is asked to
leave without the utmost necessity. The president leads the
investigation and maintains order. Each side pleads his case as
best he can. Each one who appears in the session modestly asks
questions about whatever he considers important. There is no
documentation. Everything is conducted in public. An oath
(tumbelo) is required only in the utmost necessity, and then has
the character of the divine ordeal of our medieval institutions.
     In criminal matters, an oath is required from the defendant
and also from the plaintiff, or the most prominent among them is
there are several persons who confirm the fact. Both are then
taken to the river, into which two poles have been stuck, where
they have to stretch out on the bottom with their bellies and
faces down, each holding on to one of the poles. The one who
first lets go of his pole and surfaces, is considered to have
succombed under the oath. If it is the defendant, the crime is
considered proven; if it is the plaintiff, it shows that he has
made a false accusation. The defendant, being declared innocent,
receives as nuch money as the judge considers just compensation
for what the accused has suffered as a result of the false
accusation. This compensation has to be paid by the plaintiff, or
if there are several, by all of them collectively. In important
civil cases, the tumbelo can be applied in the same way, and with
the same results, but without such compensation.
     Apart from the tumbelo, sometimes the normal oath may be
administered, the sasie oke gole ma agi, literally: the oath by
drinking the sword's water. The ceremony is carried out over a
large plate on which a bullet is laid, over which two swords are
lifted in crossed position. The person under oath dips his weapon
into the plate and pronounces a curse over himself and his family
members, viz. that he may get hit by the first bullet in the
fight, that his body may waste away like melting wax, that his
blood may change into water, that his sword may fail him, etc.
etc., if he should fail to speak the truth. This ceremony, which
is found also in other places of the Indonesian archipelago, does
not belong to the original institutions of Halmahera, and is
seldom resorted to here. It happens that the Halfuru in Ternate
are subjected to it to confirm statements made before the Muslim
Council or the European administration.
     In civil cases, the winner pays one tenth of the sum awared
to him, which tenth is equally divided among the members of the
council which made the decision.
     The fines imposed in criminal cases are divided into 3 equal
parts, one third for the utusan, one third for the sengadjie, and
one third for the ngofamanira. Each of them has to share that
amount equally with his subordinates such as : the utusan with
the secretary and seredjeti; the sengadjie with the gugugu,
hukom, imam, and so on; the ngofamanira with the ngato, kapitan,
and mahimo's. A member who is absent from the session, is
excluded from the sharing. The fines imposed by the Council of
Eighteen, whether in the first instance or through appeal, are
similarly distributed among the members of that council, so that
the officials on Halmahera will not receive any shares.
     The lawsuits have to be heard before the village council or
district council under whose jurisdiction the defendant lives.
     The village- and district heads are obligated to send
persons belonging to extradite persons belonging to the judicial
system of a different district if so required.

                        5. Continuation.

B. Concerning Punishments and Crimes.
     The punishments imposed by the authorities of the peninsula
are as follows:
1. Confinement in the stocks for between 3 and 9 days.
2. Fines from half a real to 30 reales.
3. Between 6 to 30 lashes with a rattan stick.
     Crimes which require heavier punishment are to be heard in
Ternate, as mentioned earlier. The rattan lashes can be bought
off by 2 reales for every lash. Only at Sau does it sometimes
happen that those lashes are actually imposed. Everywhere else,
the authorities would rather refrain from actually carrying it
out, because it would surely lead to a revolt. Therefore it is
little more than a covered fine, to be paid by the guilty person,
his relatives, or in case they all are destitute, by his village
head, whose debt slave he then becomes.
     The tooma or decapitation of the guilty person by the one
who has been wronged (as will be discussed later) belonged in the
old days to the legal punishments. Although the tooma has long
been discontinued as punishment, and, like headhunting, even
prohibited, in this respect popular prejudice has proved stronger
than the prohibition.
     Crimes against the administration are hardly known on the
peninsula. If sometimes an inferior resists his superior, it does
not go any further than unseemly words or gestures, and it is
punished by confinement in the stocks.
     Crimes against the person are rare. Among those one
sometimes finds cases of poisoning. These are, along with cases
of murder, homicide, negligence resulting in death, wrongful
injury, and attempts to murder by poison, referred to the Council
of Eighteen in Ternate, which council makes decisions in
accordance with the Koran.
     If there is evidence of the crime of adultery, the male co-
respondent is ordered to compensate the insulted husband with the
full brideprice for the adulterous wife, and to marry her. But
usually the insulted party takes the law in his own hands by
executing the tooma: he awaits a good opportunity to catch the
aggressor either by force or in ambush, cuts off his head, which
he takes with him as trophy, and then he gives himself up to the
sengadjie in order to show both his respect for the new
institution as well as for the old traditional values. The
sengadjie sends him to the Council of Eighteen, but even though
the council may pronounce the death penalty on him, this
judgement is rarely executed.
     The seduction or kidnapping of someone else's betrothed is,
if the matter is brought before the district council, punished
with a fine of 7 reales, as a compensation for the haka (the
present given as pledge for the promise of marriage). If however
the pair of lovers are caught in the very act by the insulted
party, the latter will quite frequently resort to tooma.
     Rape never takes place: the women are too strong, the girls
too easy. Incest is considered out of the question. Sexual
relations within the tofa is considered very bad, but not
criminal. The lovers are separated, and each is married off into
another tofa.
     Entering a home while the head of the family is absent, or
entering without his permission, is seen somehow as an attempt to
seduce the women in the household, and is punished with a fine of
2 reales. Whoever spies on a married woman while she is bathing,
may incur a fine of 2 suku (half a real); spying on girls may be
considered impolite, but not punishable.
     Whoever harms the honor of a married woman by words or
gestures, is liable to a fine of 5 reales; those who do that to
young girls is punished by her disfavor.
     To smear one's reputation by calumny or defamation, as well
as instigation to hate and conflict, are punished with
confinement in the stocks, and a fine at the discretion of the
judge.
     Oral insults and minor fighting are handled in the same way.
Actions against personal freedom are not recorded, neither are
fraudulent behavior
Kotjokata (Vampirism), and anything having to do with black magic
usually ends up in tooma. This ends up along the same lines as
mentioned earlier with regard to adultery.
     Crimes against property are even more rare than those
against persons. Arson is unknown. Causing a fire by negligence
is punished by compensation paid for the damage caused by the
fire.
     Locks are not in use, and would only cause unnecessary
inconvenience: there is no theft. The houses of people who have
to go elsewhere for work or business, are left unlocked sometimes
for months without any piece of furniture missing. If there
should be a theft (tori), the accused would be indicted by the
district council, if not the Council of Eighteen.

                    6.Belief and Superstition

     Although total freedom of religion has been an accepted
principle, conversions from the Halfuru religion to Islam have
been very rare, and from Islam to the Halfuru religion non-
existent. No traces are left of the Catholicism preached by the
Portuguese in the beginning of the 16th century. The Protestant
religion, if any attempts at conversion were made, never found
adherents.
     The Halfuru believe in the existence of an eternal, all-
powerful supreme being, creator and keeper of all things, who is
invisible to man. Man cannot keep any secret from Him. His name
is Johu  ma di hutu. Furthermore, they believe in a multitude of
wongi's or ghosts, some of them inimical to humans, others
favorably inclined. who float around in space, pursuing their
destiny, without ever becoming visible to the human eye.
     The people make a distinction between the human body (mienga
roees) and the soul (mienga giki). They maintain that, although
the mienga roees is destroyed by death, the mienga giki remains
and joins the wongi's. They also maintain that the souls of the
departed are rewarded or punished by Johu ma di hutu according to
their merits. without knowing what those rewards and punishments
consist of.
     The tradition says that Johu ma di hutu at the beginning of
time sent a wise man by the name of Gosuong to the ancestors to
let them know his will. The Lara's or commandments of Gosuong are
seven in number, and are distinguished by the following names:
1.Bobai, prohibition to seduce or kidnap the betrothed of someone
  else.
2. Mangaweka, prohibition against adultery.
3. Fosiki, prohibition against theft.
4. Okiola, prohibition against armed raids.
5. Nagaloi, prohibition against sexual assault, attack, abuse,
   and anything that would harm others.
6. Itida, prohibition against disrespect or lovelessness towards
   the parents.
7. Tooma, sacred duty to cut off the head of the male who dis-
   honors one's wife, the kotjokata who casts a spell on you and
   your family, and the enemy who attacks your country.
     Gosuong, under the name of Gomatir, has acquired followers
in order to keep alive the belief in a supreme being, and to
maintain the sanctity of his commandments. He also transferred
upon them the gift to predict the future while being in a state
of religious ecstasy. The gomatir s grow in numbers through
education, not through birth. They have to refrain from all
interference in administrative matters. They always have to be
ready to assist the uninitiated by mediating between them and the
spirit world.
     The Supreme Being is too exalted to be worshipped.
     The wongi's are aware of the needs and desires of the people
, expressed through offerings (fosakihi).  Those offerings
consist in presenting food, and this has to take place in the
kokiroba, a tall, oblong building, made of wooden boards. Each
community possesses such a building, which is administered by the
gomatir. Both in individual offerings and in collective, festive
offerings, the dishes are presented in the kokiroba for an hour
at the disposal of the wongi, and since they make no use ofit,
those who brought the offerings themselves enjoy the food. If the
gomatir wants to join, he has to bring his own share. If those
bringing offerings want to look into the future, the gomatir
will, accompanied by music and various ceremonies, go into
spiritual ecstasy. He goes from one state of trance into another,
and, when asked to tell the future, he answers in such mystifying
terms that they are in time either confirmed or hard to belie.
     Should someone fall ill of a dangerous disease, the gomatir
will first collect information about the symptoms and
circumstances preceding the event. Only then will he consult the
wongi. If the gomatir does not continue, or if he says that the
wongi are silent, the patient prepares for his death. If the
wongi have spoken, the gomatir visits the patient, and treats him
with medicinal herbs. If the patient dies nevertheless, then
either those who described the disease earlier have not been
accurate enough, or a new disease came up about which the wongi
had not been consulted.
     Anybody who has money and is eager to learn, can enter this
profession. The young man attaches himself as a pupil (murit) to
an experienced gomatir for a period of 2 to 3 years, during which
time he receives training, carries out all the work in the house
and the field demanded by his master, and takes care of his own
living expenses. After that is finished, a big, lavish feast is
prepared at his expense, at which the murit shows his first test
of a spirit medium trance (ngidu ngidu), and is consecrated as a
gonatir.
     The gonatir's income consists of the following:
1 suku for predictions in personal matters; 2 to 10 reales for
recoveries, and nothing if the treatment of a disease fails; 30
reales for the education of a colleague. There is also the
advantage of the murit's labor during the training period. There
are no rich gomatirs, but neither are there impecunious ones.
Without wealth and without influence on the administration, they
are not dangerous politically. As teachers, they are morally
useful in maintaining the first six lara. As doctors, they are
often of some use, and usually harmless, but sometimes also
disastrous, because of the Halfuru belief in vampirism.
     This superstition maintains that the evil-hearted have
acquired the power to send their heads on wings at night to their
neighbors while their bodies, with fake heads, stay home. That
winged being is called kotjokata. Under the protection of wongis,
Kotjokata, invisible, penetrates into the houses, opens the
bellies of its victims, drinks their blood, eats their
intestines, and disappears as invisibly as he approached. Only
the victim becomes aware of him, because of the onset of
unbearable pains. If the Kotjokata has been greedy, nothing will
help the patient; the belly swells up, the cramps intensify,
fever runs high, and in a few days, his life ends. If the
Kotjokata has left a certain amount of blood and intestines in
the body, there is hope for recovery. The gomatir helps it along
with brews and salves made of leaves and herbs, the names of
which he keeps a secret. To discover these "evil-hearted", serves
in the first place the general rumor that someone craves solitude
and looks poorly, or has been seen to peep into houses when night
falls. These are signs of a Kotjokata. About such a person, the
gomatir will consult the spirits. Should he, while in a state of
ngidu-ngidu, mention the name of the suspected person, this
counts as the beginning of evidence. If 3 or 4 other gomatirs
should mention the same name, then the suspect is evidently
guilty. For the surviving relatives of the victim, it is not only
allowed, but even a duty to take off the real head of the
criminal by tooma.
     The Kotjokata is not at all related to the njawa natoru, or
guilty soul, whose crime is commoitted with the help of bodiga
(poison). In the latter case, mediation  by a gomatir is not
required. The patient checks where he has eaten last before
falling ill, or whatever other reason he has to suspect someone.
The village council investigates the case as best they can. If no
evidence can be found, they resort to the Divine Judgement as
described earlier.

               7. Concerning the Taxation System.

     Since neither the Sultan nor his Ternatan employees, nor the
native headmen are allowed to raise taxes, either in money or
slaves, the public revenue consists of compulsory supplies with
or without payment, conscription, and forced public service. The
Ternatan and native officials therefore have no other monetary
income than their share of the fines, which comes to an
insignificant amount.
     The public buildings, such as the orom,kokiroba, and
messidjit, have to be built and maintained by each community free
of charge. The houses of the district-and village headmen also
have to be built by the community free of charge, but their
further maintenance is a matter for those who live in them.
     Neither the native district heads, nor the village heads
receive any share of the harvest or of the income from crafts.
There is one small exception in Sau, where the sengadjie receives
a few measures of padi per planting.
     The sengadjie has the right to be served by one ngo-ngare
itji, a boy from a good family who accompanies him everywhere and
performs light tasks in accordance with that rank.None of the
other native officials has the right to demand services, paid or
unpaid, from the residents in his area.
    This lack of payment to the native authorities is regarded as
quite normal, because, according to their standards, the cares
and efforts of administering the country have to be carried by
the aristocracy, which is the only reason there is an
aristocracy. However, if a village-or districtshead lands into
trouble, or has bad luck not of his own doing, it is the duty of
the citizens to quickly come to the rescue with voluntary gifts,
which indeed always takes place in such cases with childlike
eagerness. However, it is in the long run impossible for the
aristocracy to maintain their position in the administration
without a certain level of wealth.
     The utusan enjoys the services of some kokkis to take care
of him, and of the Ternatans appointed as his assistants. These
kokkis are residents who for one month work at his place, doing
all the housework and fieldlabor he orders them to do, without
wages or food, and after that stint are replaced by others. The
number of kokkis differs from one district to the other, and
their service is rather insignificant as will be seen from the
table below. Furthermore, the utusan may do business as much as
he likes, as long as he does not monopolize the market. The
utusan of Sau moreover receives of every rice harvest 42 small
measures of rice per household. The utusans of the other
districts do not enjoy this encome. None of the utusans has any
claim on the sago harvest or any products from whatever form of
manufacturing.
     The taxes and privileges of the Sultan are very unequally
divided over the various djikos as a result of the different
circumstances leading to his acquisition of them, or of the fact
that they are carrying burdens in accordance with military law.
We shall discuss in the first place which resources the Sultan
has on the island with which he can carry out his foreign
expesitions, as well as what policy is in force in the waters of
Menado where 3 of his corra-corras are stationed.
    Dodinga, Djailolo and Sau do not supply warriors for warfare,
because in those districts marriage has nothing to do with
headhunting. The other seven districts supply for every
expedition as many men as the Ternatan authorities are willing to
accept, and always the more the better, because in those
districts no man can start a family unless he has cut off (tooma)
an enemy's head, or at least unless he has tested his sword's
sharpness on an enemy's head that has already been cut off. Even
youths and boys vie for that honor in order to be declared ready
for marriage as soon as possible.
    With the exception of Dodinga and Djailolo, all districts
have to supply between one and four corra-corra, whether or not
there is a war. However, in the latter case, the supply is not
strictly enforced, and even sometimes forgiven for 2 or more
years. These ships are not supplied for a particular period, but
are given without payment. They are 10 fathoms in length,
provided with sailing-and rowing equipment, and whatever else
necessary, and they are usuable for about 3 years. Equipped for
war, they carry both combattants and non-combattants, in all
about 30 to 40 men. On each ship, there is a Ternatan captain,
whose title is Dopolo toma djuanga, and two Halfuru ngatos, who
each command one side, and take care of the food supplies. Each
sailor brings his own provisions for the first 10 to 14 days.
After that supply is finished, he will receive free rations from
the Sultan, which rations are distributed by the ngatos. Each
sailor also brings his own weapons, such as swords and spears, in
addition to 5 to 6 shotguns per prow. The ammunition is supplied
by the Sultan at no cost. Those who do not bring good weapons,
have to row all the time, and take care of the proa, whereas the
other enjoy the advantage of participation in the fighting. After
the men have disembarked, the Halfuru kapitans have to precede
them to the most dangerous posts, or wherever the Ternatan chief
decides to send them. Since the courage of the kapitan is already
well established, they should be fair enough to undertake the
fighting only in those cases where others fear to attack, and for
the rest should only lead their followers, letting them cut off
as many heads as possible. If the enemy surrenders, they have to
be spared as ordered by the supreme command (preferably not) Then
they are led captive to Halmahera, where they are integrated in
the community as free citizens. Since the administration of
governor Cranssen (anno 1810) till today, 5 such war exploits
have taken place in the Moluccas: 3 to Bangay, and 2 to Tambuku.
The Halfuru have also taken part in the Java war, but all in all,
they have, as they see it, not had enough opportunities to fill
the need for heads, which situation is detrimental to the morals
of the people, since there will be fewer marriages.
     Secondly, the district of Sau has to provide the Sultan
permanently with one hundred manusia ratu, those are adult men,
who go to Ternate to work without wages, but with food provided.
After one year, these men are replaced by others. Thirty of these
men are assigned to serve European residents in Ternate, where
they work as house-, yard-, or stable servants for food and
wages. They earn between 6 and 60 guilders a month, so that many
of them voluntarily extend their term of service and them return
home with a small capital. The remaining 70 also have
opportunities to earn some money: they are allowed by the Sultan
to work as boathands or coolies whenever necessary, earning 20
cents a day which they can keep. Every able man of Sau, with the
exception of the dapolos has to take his turn as manusia ratu in
Ternate. It is understandable that, no matter how light or
profitable their service there may be, there will always be many
who would prefer to stay home, and these can always find
substitutes at 22 reales. Except for Sau, none of the other
districts is subject to the supply of manusia ratu.
     Thirdly, the district of Kau yearly delivers to the Sultan
an amount of about 1000 fardos sago without payment; the other 9
districts are free from that obligation.
     Fourthly, in Galela, the sultan demands a tax to be paid in
rice: 6 small gantangs of rice a year per household, which at the
indicated figure of 4200 individuals or 840 households, comes to
504 pipas, 310 piculs.
     In the 5th place, Sau and Djailolo have to deliver yearly 6
large gantang i.e. one pipa of rice per household at 8 cts per
large gantang. This would make, in accordance with the number
quoted of 4850 individuals or 970 households, 670 pipas or 582
piculs at 73.5 cts per picul. None of the other districts carry
this obligation.
    In the 6th place, whenever the Sultan needs more rice, he has
the right to requisition it from the districts of Tubaru and
Tabello (sic), at a price of 8 cts per small gantang or 80 cts
per pipa, or 133.5 cts per picul. He uses this right sparingly.
     In the 7th place, the Sultan has the right to harvest yearly
from Loloda all the bird's nests the region produces, at no cost
to him. What this amounts to is not generally known. According to
the ledgers of Ternate's export duties, it could not be more than
a few katties of the most inferior quality.
    In the eightth place, the Sultan has the right to call up the
daily services of as many proas and seamen as necessary to work
his pearl-oyster banks at Kau, without payment. This harvesting
occupies daily 20 to 40 proas, each with 2 or 3 seamen, during 4
to 8 months. After the harvesting is finished, the banks are left
to rest from 2 to 4 years. During the period of harvesting, the
east coast is prohibited to other ships, to avoid smuggling. It
is not known what this monopoly yields.
     In the 9th place,2000 fardo of damar (resin) have to be
delivered yearly to the sultan by Tubaru, without payment.
     In the following diagram, all taxes have been combined.
=============diagram omitted, E.W.=========================

     It is obvious that the taxes of the Ternatan government are
very unequal, but in general not excessively heavy. On the other
hand, the peninsula enjoys under that rule the invaluable
advantage of an unbroken, internal rest, and a decent legal
system. The internal rest allows the regular continuation of all
branches of agriculture, and the distribution of a prosperity
among the Halfuru of this peninsula, which, for example, their
brothers on Ceram will never reach, unless they are completely
dominated.

                          II. Civil Law

1. Marriage (maka ijaka) and its requirements.
Polygamy does not exist.
Marriage is a contract through which a woman is given as a wife
to the man who asks for her hand in marriage upon payment of the
besie or brideprice. This contract is dissolved by death, so the
widow cannot be claimed by a relative of the deceased to be his
wife by inheritance, as happens among the Halfuru of Buru and
Ceram.
The husband is his wife's protection. The wife owes her husband
obedience. Both owe each other the strictest conjugal fidelity.
Legal concubinage does not exist. It is the wife's duty to do all
the home-and yardwork that is required to maintain the family.
The husband helps her by clearing land, but the planting and care
for the fields are considered her share of the work. Pregnancy is
no reason to quit work; the woman only stops working the field on
the day of giving birth. Nine days later she resumes that work.
It is the husband's duty to harvest sago; for the rest he hunts
and fishes whenever he feels like it.
    After her husband's death, the woman returns to her family,
where she can remarry with whomever she likes, except with
someone from the tofa of her late husband.*
* Tubaru provides an exception to this rule. Here widows can also
remarry with someone of her late husband's tofa.
     The children born from that marriage belong to the man's
tofa, therefore they have to stay in that family unit after his
death; only babies-in-arms can be brought along by the mother,
but only for as long as it takes until they no longer need the
mother's care.
     As mentioned earlier, nobody is allowed to marry within his
or her tofa, counting all the degrees of family relationship
through four generations. Aristocrats and commoners are allowed
to intermarry; free citizens and serfs are not allowed to
intermarry, unless the serf has been liberated.
     No one, neither man nor woman, can be given in marriage
before puberty.
     A woman cannot be forced into a marriage against her will.
Her consent is as necessary as that of the man.
     A woman is not responsible for debts made by her husband,
whether during or after the marriage.
     In order to enter a marriage bond, it is necessary to
acquire the consent of both the man's father and the woman's
father. If the father is deceased, the male relative who is next
in line, takes his place.
     No man can marry before having cut off (tooma) an enemy's
head, or at least having tested his sword's sharpness on the
already cut- off head of an enemy (maram). This requirement has
lost its validity more than a century ago for Sau, Djailolo, and
Dodinga, but it is still fully in force for the seven other
djikos.
  2. The engagement, the brideprice, and the marriage ceremony.
     A marriage has to be preceded by a public engagement
(bobai). The engagement is usually preceded by a covert sexual
relationship (mangamamane) Since young people, whether engaged or
not, are allowed to meet in private, such a sexual relationship
is assumed in every instance of courting. The girl receives her
lover at night in the bedroom assigned to her in her parents'
house as soon as she becomes nubile. If the young people do not
like each other at that first meeting, the visits stop without
further consequences. Once the parents have consented to take
notice of the relationship, the engagement is obligatory, and the
mangamamane is acknowledged as an acquired right. If during the
engagement a pregnancy results, a marriage has to be concluded
immediately. In case there is a pregnancy before the engagement,
a marriage is also obligatory, the husband being the young man
indicated by the girl as her lover. As for the parents' consent,
it is assumed that neither the young man nor the girl, will be so
imprudent in their choice that there will be a chance of a
refusal.
     The marriage proposal has to be made by the father of the
young man to the father of the girl, and it has to be accompanied
by a small gift (haka), which, if accepted, constitutes official
announcement of the intended marriage. This gift is entirely
different from the besie, the bride price, which constitutes the
foundation of the marriage. The besie at Sau amounts for all
ranks to 30 reales, at Galela 100 reales. At Tubaru, it is for a
girl of the aristocracy 80, and for a girl of commoner status 40
reales. At Tabello, 50 for a ngofamania or higher status, 40 for
the daughter of a samangao or ngato, 30 for the duaghter of a
riaka or ngadu. On the westcoast, the amount is paid in money, on
the eastcoast half in money, the other half in weapons, gongs,
ceramic items, etc.
     The besie has to be paid either in full or at least in half,
on the day of the marriage.The outstanding amount constitutes a
regular debt, which has no influence on the character of the
marriage, and which, at a convenient time, has to be paid by the
husband or his relatives. The complicated and nasty Sumatran
lawsuits about money and freedom in marriage, are here unknown.In
case of a second marriage, the besie of the widow amounts to half
of her first besie, and is paid sometimes to her father,
sometimes to herself. The second besie does not invalidate any
right that might exist on payments still due on the first one.
    The wedding is celebrated in the orom, in the presence of the
village council, and is accompanied by a wedding feast (oho  kai
kai).

                        3. Divorce (hodu)
     The administration can grant a divorce at the request of the
husband only, or of husband and wife together, however, without
restitution of the besie. The administration can also grant a
divorce at the request of the woman only, but not without
restitution of the besie. In both cases, the children still
belong to the father.
     Divorces are frequent, and usuallyas a result of jealousy.

                 4. Paternal Power and Custody.
     The children remain within their father's power, and live at
his home until their marriage. The father can punish him at his
discretion, but can never disown them, not even in cases of
misconduct. In fact, he is responsible for their debts.
     The children owe their parents obedience and love until
their deaths, and are obligated to take care of them when they
are no longer able to work. When the father dies, the eldest
adult son becomes the legal guardian of his minor brothers and
sisters. If there is no adult son, the nearest male relative
takes his place.

                       5. Inheritance Law.
    An inheritance has to be accepted with its benefits and
disadvantages. It can not be repudiated. The female line does not
inherit.
     The father's estate is divided equally among his sons. The
share of minor sons is kept by the guardian until they come of
age. If a son dies before his father, his share is given to his
son. If there are no male heirs, the heritage goes to the
deceased's father, and if he is no longer living, to his brothers
and further male relatives, in equal portions. The person highest
in age or status among the heirs, is charged with the
distribution. In case there arises a dispute, someone from the
civil administration will take care of it.
     The heirs are obligated to give the widow and daughters of
the deceased clothing and ornaments in accordance with their
status, insofar as the heritage reasonably allows. The daughers
have to be maintained by their guardian until their marriage. The
guardian may, at his discretion, compensate for these costs by
deducting them from their besie. The right on the besie of still
unmarried daughters, as well as on the unpaid parts of the besie
of married daughters, constitutes part of the inheritance.

6. Concerning slaves (gilalo, gilango, adoan -eastcoast; falalom
on the westcoast and Ternate).

     The slaves or people of complete servitude, are private
property, and can be sold. Every resident resident may possess
slaves.
     In the old days, slavery came about by the practice of
hunting humans at sea,  by birth out of a female slave, and
sometimes also by acquiring prisoners of war if people became
tired of headhunting. Since the consolidation of the Ternatan
supremacy, the hunt for humans came to an end, and the war
prisoners which could be saved from the tooma, were, willingly or
unwillingly incorporated into the population, so the only way
left is by birth from a female slave. Also, the number of slaves
decreases rather than increases.
     The gilalos have to carry out all the work ordered by their
master. The master (johu) has to feed them, house them, and, for
as much as necessary, give them clothes. he is responsible for
their debts. He is not entitled to sexual favors from his female
slaves. The master can beat his slave for small mistakes; for
desertion and misconduct, or crimes, the slave has to be punished
by the village council, by beatings with rattan lashes.
     The slave has the right to buy his own manumission. If a
conflict arises about the price, the village council decides. At
any rate, the price can never be set higher than 30 reales.
Having regained his freedom, the slave can live wherever he
chooses. A female slave gets her freedom when a free man marries
her and pays her besie as ransom.
     A present, the price for slaves is: for a man from Halmahera
or the Papuan islands, able to work as a laborer, the price is:
30 reales. For a potential laborer from Ternate and other
islands, 20 to 30 reales. Female slaves who are nubile, are worth
the price of her besie. For slave children, the price differs
considerably.

                    7. Debts (ngaba njator).

     Debts usually originate from purchases, loans or fines, but
not from gambling. Even if someone would be involved in gambling
abroad, such debts would not be claimed. The debts are not
subject to superannuation, neither to doubling or increase with
interest. They pass, together with the heritage, to the heirs of
the debtor. Whoever does not pay on time, has to appear before
either the village- or the district council, depending on his
status. The council can, once or twice, give an extension of 3 to
6 months. If, after that period, the debt is not paid, the
possessions will be attached. If these possessions are
insufficient, while the debt is less than 10 reales, the
indictment will cease, for the time being. Should the debt amount
to 10 reales or more, the debtor, or one of his family members,
will become a debt slave of the creditor.

 8. Concerning debt slavery (jojangie matello,) and debt slaves
(miaki magogoko).

     Regarding the responsibility for debt, the following persons
could be assigned to become a debt slave: a husband for his wife,
a father for his sons and unmarried daughters, the sons and
unmarried daughters for their parents, brothers and unmarried
sisters for brothers and unmarried sisters. A woman's freedom is
not subject to bondslavery, neither for the debts of her husband,
nor for those of her children.
     No one can become a debt slave in any village community
other than his own. If someone faces debt slavery for debts
incurred in a different community, his own tofa has to come to
his aid, or else, the ngofamanira pays his debt, and as a result
accepts him as his debt slave.
     As soon as the debt is paid, the debt slave is free. He is
also free after he has served as a slave for 10 years, regardless
of the amount of the debt. Partial payment will reduce the
principal, but will not reduce the period of debt slavery.
     During the period of debt slavery, the relationship between
the debt slave and the creditor is the same as between any slave
and his master, with the exception however that, if his work
brings in money, he may use half of this amount for himself while
the other half will be used to pay his creditor in deduction of
his debt. The debt can however not be increased by charging for
food or clothing, which items have to be provided free of charge,
insofar as is reasonable,and the debtor is unable to provide for
himself

                   9. Loan (bau) and interest.

     Loans are given for a period of from 3 months  to 3 years.
There is no interest either on money,or for other matters of use,

                   10 Safekeeping (haka gogo).

     Safekeeping has to be done for a specific period, and in the
presence of witnesses. If, within that period, the damaged or
lost, the safekeeper has to replace it, if he acknowledges it, or
if the one who gave the object into safekeeping, can prove that
it happened due to the keeper's fault.
     Guaranty is handled in the same way. If the main debtor does
not pay on time, the guarantor has to be pressed for payment; if
the latter does not pay, the main debtor, or one of his
relatives, will become a debt slave. if he is not alive, and if
his relatives are unable to pay, the guarantor becomes debt
slave.
     The goods subject to safekeeping or pawning, usually consist
of pieces of clothing or jewelry of some value, raki raki (fruit
trees) and coconut trees. Cultivated fields are not eligible. The
agreement cannot be made between Halfuru and Muslim residents. It
has to be made in the presence of witnesses.
     Fruit trees are given in pawn until the first harvest, or
until the time the debt is paid off. During that time, the fruits
become the property of the pawner until the loan has been paid.
On fruit trees and coconut trees an advance of 10 to 50 reales
are given.
     The pawner may rightfully use the goods in pawn except for
pieces of clothing. The money given for the pawned goods amounts
to half of the current value. When the set time has come, the
pawngiver has the right to claim his pawn, whether by paying out
of his own pocket or someone else's, to whom he then wants to
give the item in pawn. If the pawngiver has found no way to pay,
the lender has the right to possess the item given in pawn, that
is, if he pays out the other half of its value.
     The pawn receiver is obliged, in case of redemption, to
return the pawn undamaged, or else compensate for what is
missing.

                      11. Concerning Trade.

     There are no bazars or other markets. No one is prohibited
from earning his money by doing business. The resident who wants
to set up a business somewhere else, has to gain permission from
his village council to go abroad, as is the case in every other
instance. Business debts between residents are handled the same
way as other debts. Business debts to foreign traders have to be
paid before the latter leave to go elsewhere, if the day of
departure has been specified in the sales contract. If that is
not the case, the term of payment is at the most 3 months.
     Sums of money and other items of value advanced for
conducting business are called matiti, the lender miahiki, the
borrower mia aho.
     The borrower does not pay interest. Profits and losses are
shared equally between lender and borrower. The lender provides
the proa and food for a few days without charge. Whatever else
the borrower further uses from the matiti for his own
maintenance, has to be replaced. The rowers have to be paid from
the matiti, and they have to provide for their own maintenance.

                         Fourth section.
 Industry.
    This section on Industry, including sago cultivation, rice
cultivation, crafts and trade, as well as a comparison between
the Halfuru and the Mandheling, have been omitted.